Cognate Set 1114 – Meaning: bone

	Language	Lexeme	Native script	Phonetic	Phonemic	Notes
79	Bulgarian	kost	кост	kɔst	kost
98	Belarusian	kosc′	косць	kɔsʲtsʲ	kosʲtsʲ	An alternative form is a diminutive 'костка' with meaning 'single bone'.
93	Czech	kost		kɔst	kost
95	Sorbian: Lower	kósć		kɛstɕ, kɘ̟stɕ	kostɕ
94	Sorbian: Upper	kósć		kʊstʃ	kʊstʃ
80	Macedonian	koska	коска	ˈko̞skɑ̈	ˈkoska
88	Polish	kość		kɔɕtɕ	koɕtɕ
97	Russian	kost'	кость	kɔsʲtsʲ	kostʲ
83	Serbo-Croat	kost		kô̞ːst	kôːst
91	Slovak	kosť		kɔsc	kosc
85	Slovene	kost		kóːst	kóːst
99	Ukrainian	kìstka	кістка	ˈkʲistkɐ	ˈkistka	Formally/historically a diminutive. A non-diminutive form 'кість' is used too, but the form 'кістка' is the main form.
78	Old Church Slavonic	kostĭ	кость	kɔstɪ̆	kostɪ
90	Polabian	ťüst		cyst	cyst
87	Old Polish	kość		kɔɕtɕ	koɕtɕ	An alternative lexeme could be 'gnat'. However it tends to refer especially to 'shin bone'.
92	Old Czech	kost		kɔsc	kostj
100	Rusyn	k′ḯska		ˈkʲi̞ʂkɑ̈	ˈki̞ʂka
86	Slovene: Kostel	kost		ˈko̝ːst	ˈko̝ːst
84	Slovene: Early Modern	kúſt

References

Bezlaj, France: 2: 71

The Slavic lexeme has no clear parallels in IE. It is usually linked to Latin os, ossis, Old Indic ásthi, Greek ὀστέον etc. The initial k- is explained as a result of a contamination (cf. Latin costa 'rib').

Boryś, W.: 253

The Slavic lexeme is related to PIE *h₃est-. The irregular k- is probably due to a contamination with another root (maybe related to Latin costa).

Derksen, Rick: 239

S.v. Proto-Slavic *kôstь 'bone' (ESSJa XI 167-173). "The relationship with the otherwise isolated Lat. costa ‘rib’ seems quite possible. An interesting hypothesis is to regard the *k of *kȏstь as the reflex of the initial laryngeal of PIE *h₂ost- ‘bone’, cf. Skt. ásthi, Gk. ὀστέον, in an Indo-European substratum language (cf. Kortlandt 1997b: 47, where the option is dismissed, however). Meillet (e.g. 1921, Ét. II: 262) regards the *k as a prefix. If the root is *h₂ost-, we are probably dealing with an original neuter *kosti."

Georgiev, V. and Račeva, M. and Todorov, T. and Durdianov, I.: 2: 661-663

The lexeme is related to Latin costa 'rib'. The hypotheses about a relationship to Latin os 'bone' etc. (assuming a prefix *k- or a metathesis from *osthr̥k-) is improbable.

Jocz, Lechosław:

There is no clear further etymology of the Slavic lexeme. All hypotheses assuming a relationship to PIE *h₃est- fail to explain the initial k- in a convincing way. Other proposed cognates are etymologically unclear themselves. The proposed relationship to PIE *kes- seems to lack an entirely convincing semantic motivation.

Kortlandt, Frederik: 47

Meillet, Antoine: 1-2

Meillet, Antoine: II:262

Mel'ničuk, O.: 2: 450

The lexeme is related to Slavic *kositi and *česati [PIE *kes-]. The hypotheses about a relationship to Latin costa 'rib' or Latin os 'bone' etc. are not convincing.

Rejzek, Jiří: 304

The Slavic lexeme is usually linked to Latin os etc. (PIE *h₃est-). However, k- needs an explanation then. Most probably it is a result of a contamination (cf. Latin costa 'rib' or PIE *kes-).

Schuster-Šewc, H.: 633-634

It is usually assumed to be related to Latin os, ossis 'bone'. The initial k- is explained as a prefix or as a special reflex of the initial laryngal. In fact, we deal here most probably with two different etymona. The Slavic lexeme is related to Latin costa 'rib'. PIE *kos-t- [PIE *kes-] 'sharp, cutting, outstanding'.

Skok, Petar: 2: 163-164

There is no certain etymology.

Snoj, Marko:

PIE *h₂osti-. The Slavic lexeme is related to Old Indic ásthi- ‛bone’, Albanian asht, Latin os, Hittite ḫaštāi-. The initial k- is probably due to a contamination with a currently lost word related to Latin costa 'rib'. A simmilar irregular k- is found in Slavic *koza 'goat'.

Trubačev, O. N.: 11: 167-173, 12: 19-21

PS ostĭ 'awn, fishbone' is most probably related to PIE root for 'sharp' [PIE *h₂ek̑-], and not to PIE root for 'bone' [PIE *h₃est-] but the latter hypothesis is also reasonable. Generally, Slavic *kostĭ and *ostĭ seem to be unrelated. The Latin word costa 'rib' is isolated and its etymology remains unclear. For a comparison with the Slavic lexeme additional closer cognates are necessary. The same applies to Old Indic kāṣṭhá- 'log'. All existing hypotheses linking the Slavic lexeme to Latin os, ossis etc. [PIE *h₃est-] (k- as prefix, borrowing from a substrate IE language, k- as prothesis disposing the hiatus in nominal phrases, metathesis of *osthr̥k or *ostĭka, contamination with other lexemes/roots) are unconvincing. The PS word *koza 'goat' (with analogues like Old Indic ajá or Lithuanian ožỹs) is not a further example for the 'irregular initial k-' in Slavic. This lexeme is most probably a loan from Altaic and the variation in the onset has its sources there (the variation is attested in Turkic). The Slavic lexeme is derived from PIE *kes- with a suffix *-to- (*kos-to-). The original meaning were 'bone protruding from under the skin, a dangling thing, a ticking thing'.

Vasmer, Max: 2: 349

It is related to Latin costa 'rib'.

de Vaan, Michiel: 140

S.v. Lat. costa 'rib', de Vaan acknowledges the possibility of deriving the Slavonic forms from PIE *Host- with a singular development of *H > *k, but he rejects the connection with Latin costa. His argument is the existence of Latin os, ossis. Latin costa is thus "an isolated word without etymology".

Šanskij, N. and Ivanov, V. and Šanskaâ, T.: 216

The lexeme is related to Latin costa 'rib'.

Šapošnikov, A. K.: 1: 432

The word is derived from PIE *kes- and related to Latin costa 'rib', Old Indic kastha- 'log' and Albanian kashtë 'straw'.