Cognate Set 8269 – Meaning: shadow
- IE-CoR reference form:
- *s⁽k̑⁾eh₃-
- IE-CoR reference language:
- Proto-Indo-European
- Ideophonic:
- no
- Parallel derivation:
- no
- Proposed as cognate to:
-
*s⁽k̑⁾eH- [Proto-Indo-European]
scale: 3
- Justification:
- Germanic and Celtic lexemes continuing a root *s⁽k̑⁾eh₃-, probably lexically distinct from PIE *s⁽k̑⁾eH- on the basis of both forms having reflexes in Greek (cf. Ancient Greek σκηνή (West Greek σκᾱνᾱ́) 'tent' < *'cloth to provide shade' < *s⁽k̑⁾eh₂-néh₂ (Beekes 2010:1350-1351 versus Ancient Greek is σκότος 'darkness, gloom' which must formally continue *s⁽k̑⁾h₃-to- (Beekes 2010:1359-1360). It is probably best to separate these as distinct roots, although they may well have been (sandhi?) variants of one another in PIE. For further discussion cf. Beekes 2010:1350-1351, Kroonen 2013:438, Matasović 2009:340).
- Found in clades:
- Celtic, Germanic
- Revised by:
- Matthew Scarborough
Found in 2 clades by 23 lexemes.
- References
- Beekes, Robert: 1350-1351, 1359-1360
Cf. s.v. σκιά 'shade' (< PIE *skeh₂-ih₂, gen. *skh₂-ieh₂-s 'shadow') and s.v. σκότος 'darkness, dark' (< PIE *skeh₃t- or *skoto- 'shadow, dark'). Note p.1351 "The relation [of Gk. σκιά] with σκότος is unclear".
- Fleuriot, Léon: 183, 303
In OBr. only attested in the compounds guascot and pl. guascotou gl. frigora 'shadowy/sheltered places'. Compounded with the prefix guo- 'under' (developed into gua-) and scot 'shadow', i.e. *u̯o-skātu- < *upo-skātu-. The OBr. word has exact cognates in MW gwascaut m. 'shadow' and Oir. foscad (n., u, later o) 'shadow, shelter'.
- Irslinger, Britta Sofie: 125-127
Discusses the different morphological analyses that have been suggested for the Celtic material. The preforms *scātu-, scōtu- or *scōto- could be tu- or to-formations of a root *sk̑eh₂- or *sk̑eh₃-, or, less likely, a root noun *skōt- with later thematisation.
- Kroonen, Guus: 438
S.v. Proto-Germanic *skadu- 'shadow', from PIE *skh₃-tu- (cf. Gk. σκότος 'darkness, dark' < *skh₃-to-, OIr. scáth 'shadow', MW ysgawd 'shade, darkness' < *skoh₃-to-).
- Matasović, Ranko: 340
S.v. Proto-Celtic *skāto- 'shadow', from PIE *skeh₃t- (cf. OE sceadu, Gk. σκότος).
- Scarborough, Matthew:
The communis opinio is that the relationship between the lexemes in [cognate set 5058](cog-5058) and [cognate set 8269](cog-8269) have irreconcilable root reconstructions and must be separated into *s⁽k̑⁾eh₂- and *s⁽k̑⁾eh₃-. Cognacy has been thus assigned in this manner according to the main etymological authorities. The reconstruction of two separate roots, however crucially hinges on the interpretation of the Greek evidence: Germanic lexemes from PGmc. *skadu- < *s⁽k̑⁾H-tu- appear to be a close parallel formation to Greek σκοτός 'darkness' which reflect earlier *s⁽k̑⁾h₃-tó-. These are potentially different roots, but this is based entirely on the witness of the Greek evidence. In any case, the difference is based on disagreement over root-final *h₂ vs. *h₃. The identity of the laryngeal in σκία < *skh₂-ih₂ is assumed from Att.-Ion. σκηνή, West Greek σκᾱνᾱ́ 'tent' < 'cloth to provide shade' < (transponat) *skeh₂-néh₂ (cf. Beekes 2010, s.v. σκία). In Ancient Greek does exist another example of a doublet of root-final *h₂ vs. *h₃, namely the dialectal doublet of Attic-Ionic πρῶτος 'first' (ostensibly from *pr̥h₃-to-) against West Greek πρᾶτος 'first' (ostensibly from < *pr̥h₂-to-), cf. Ved. pūrvá- 'first' (formally from *pr̥H-u̯ó-). One could imagine there may have been some inner-Greek phonological or derivational reason to account for the discrepancy in vocalism. It seems therefore very possible, in view of the phonological and semantic similarities, that the Tocharian, Greek, Albanian, Indo-Iranian, and Balto-Slavic lexemes in [cognate set 5058](cog-5058) and the Celtic and Germanic lexemes (+Gk. σκότος) in [cognate set 8269](cog-8269) go back to the same root etymology with differing derivational morphology. Cognacy has been coded, however, according to the prevailing opinion.
