Cognate Set 5015 – Meaning: yesterday
- IE-CoR reference form:
- *g̑ʰes-
- IE-CoR reference language:
- Proto-Indo-European
- Ideophonic:
- no
- Parallel derivation:
- no
- Justification:
- Cf. LIPP 2 s.v. *g̑ʰés- 'gestern' for extensive discussion of the attempted reconstructions of forms in this class, also NIL s.v. *dei̯-, *di- under ?*(g̑ʰ)-di-es (with discussion in footnotes 6-18). The cognacy of the lexemes in this class is not disputed, however there remains much disagreement in the literature how the forms are derived in the attested languages from a common reconstruction. The two most commonly held hypotheses include (1) derivations related to the Germanic word for 'day' (cf. cognate set 200, not without its own problems in derivation) as *dʰg̑ʰ-i̯es- (zero-grade root + comparative suffix or endingless locative) or (2) a compound of the Indo-European deictic *g̑ʰo- ~ *g̑ʰ- (cf. LIPP 2 275-276) in the zero-grade + the root *dei̯- ~ *di- 'shine' (NIL 69-81, cf. esp. fn6), which underlies words for day in many other branches (cf. cognate set 375). For a recent extensive discussion of these and other hypotheses, cf. LIPP 2 269-270. For individual branches, cf. Beekes 2010:1692, Demiraj 1997:138, Orel 1998:68, EWAia II:822, Abaev 1959–1995 IV:313-314, Kroonen 2013:175-176, de Vaan 2008:283, Matasović 2009:155). Cf. also Schindler 1977 and Puhvel 1987 for further discussion on aspects of the IE reconstruction.
- Found in clades:
- Albanian, Celtic, Germanic, Hellenic, Indic, Iranic, Italic
- Revised by:
- Matthew Scarborough
Found in 7 clades by 74 lexemes.
- References
- Abaev, Vasilij Ivanovič: IV:313-314
S.v. Oss. znon ; æzinæ 'вчера', from Proto-Iranian *zyah, cf. Ved. hyas, Lat. heri, etc.
- Beekes, Robert: 1632
S.v. χθές 'yesterday', from PIE *dʰgʰi̯es- 'yesterday'. According to Puhvel (1987:316-8), this is in turn derived from *dʰog̑ʰ-o- 'day' by adding a comparative suffix/original endingless locative -i̯es/-is. Germanic and Latin show an additional *-ter suffix.
- Demiraj, Bardhyl: 138
S.v. Alb. dje 'gestern', generally agreed to go back to the inherited word for 'yesterday' *g̑ʰ-di̯es or *dʰg̑ʰi̯es.
- Dunkel, George E.: 266-270
S.v. PIE *g̑ʰés- 'gestern' Adverb, temporal. Cf. for extensive discussion of attempted reconstructions underlying the lexemes in this class.
- Kroonen, Guus: 175-176
S.v. Proto-Germanic *gestra- adv. 'the previous or next day'. Following the etymology of Puhvel (1987), the Goth. gistra- and West Germanic forms point to Proto-Germanic *gestra- < *dʰg̑ʰes-ro- with t-epenthesis between *s and *r (cf. *swester 'sister'). The North Germanic forms are more difficult to account for: Kroonen favours explaining Faroese gjár and Old Icelandic gær as deriving from *gāʀ < *PGmc. *gēz with monosyllabic lengthening (cf. *ūt < *ud). [To account for Sanskrit hyás Kroonen assumes that it goes back to PIE *dʰg̑ʰ-i̯es with an intrusion of the -i̯- in analogy to sadyás 'today' < *sm̥-di-és.]
- Matasović, Ranko: 155
S.v. Proto-Celtic *gdesi 'yesterday', from PIE *dʰg̑ʰ(i̯)es(i), an adverb fossilised from a locative of an old root noun, e.g. ?*dʰg̑ʰ(i̯)ōs, designating 'the preceding day' (cf. Skt. hyás, Gk. χθές, Lat. heri, OHG gesterēn, Alb. dje). Alternatively possible is the derivation *g̑ʰ-di̯es- where *g̑ʰ- is the demonstrative particle and *di̯es- a derivative of the root *dei̯- 'day' (Lat. diēs etc., cf. Schindler 1977).
- Mayrhofer, Manfred: II:822
S.v. Ved. hyás 'gestern', from PIE *g̑ʰdi̯és- (cf. NPers. dī, dīg, Oss. znon/æzinæ, Gk. χθές, Lat. heri, OHG gesteren, etc.).
- Orel, Vladimir: 68
S.v. Alb. dje 'yesterday', from PAlb. *de and etymologically identical with Skt. hyás, Gk. χθές, Lat. heri, etc.
- Puhvel, Jaan: 315-318
- Scarborough, Matthew:
The cognacy of the lexemes in this class is not disputed, however there remains much disagreement in the literature how the forms are derived in the attested languages from a common reconstruction. The two most commonly held hypotheses include (1) derivations related to the Germanic word for 'day' (cf. [cognate set 200](cog-200), not without its own problems in derivation) as *dʰg̑ʰ-i̯es- (zero-grade root + comparative suffix or endingless locative) or (2) a compound of the Indo-European deictic *g̑ʰo- ~ *g̑ʰ- (cf. LIPP 2 275-276) in the zero-grade + the root *dei̯- ~ *di- 'shine' (NIL 69-81, cf. esp. fn6), which underlies words for day in many other branches (cf. [cognate set 375](cog-375)). For a recent extensive discussion of these and other hypotheses, cf. LIPP 2 269-270. For the root ref. form in this class, I follow LIPP 2 for a reconstruction *g̑ʰés- as the basic particle from which the attested forms are derived.
- Schindler, Jochem
- Wodtko, Dagmar S. and Irslinger, Britta and Schneider, Carolin: 69-81
Cf. s.v. *dei̯-, *di- 'hell (sein), scheinen' (IEW 184ff., 416f., EIEC 513), specifically under the potentially derived form ?*(g̑ʰ)-di̯-es and discussion contained in footnotes 6-18.
- de Vaan, Michiel: 283
S.v. Lat. heri 'yesterday', from PIE *g̑ʰ-di-es 'yesterday' (cf. OIr. indé, MW doe, OCo. doy < PCl. *γdes(i?), Ved. hyás, Bal. zī, zīk, Oss. znon / æzinæ < IIr. *j́ʰias, Gk. χθές, Alb. dje, OIc. í gær 'yesterday', Goth. gistra-dagis 'tomorrow', OE giestron, OHG gesteron 'yesterday' < *g̑ʰes-t(e)ra-). "It has been suggested that the original PIE form was *g̑ʰ-di-es 'at that day' with the pronominal stem *g̑ʰe/o- and the gen.sg. of *di- 'day', the stem possibly reflected in Skt. sadyáḥ 'within one day'. The zero-grade of the pronoun *g̑ʰe/o- would then be a very archaic trait of the compounds. In simplifying the initial cluster *g̑ʰdi̯-, most languages have ousted one of the two stops."
